

Despite the government’s substantial investment, ATRC secretary general Faisal Al Bannai decided to release the finished model online for free. If it was as good as the team believed, the boost to the United Arab Emirates’ reputation would be all the return the government needed on its investment, he reasoned. The plan worked. When the AI, named Falcon after the UAE’s national bird, was publicly released last September, it became a sensation. By some measures it was the best open-source large language model (LLM) available in the world at that point, outperforming top offerings from Meta and Google. Before Falcon’s release, “we were not on the map,” says Al Bannai. But “with 25 people, we did that. And it really created a surprise.”
Around the world, computer scientists took notice. “The UAE was not well known, before, for training models,” says Philipp Schmid, an AI researcher at the machine-learning platform Hugging Face based in Germany. “But then, by more or less the next day, we knew that they can train models, they open-source their models, they publish research around it, which benefits all.”
Falcon seemed to be the first sign of the UAE’s rapid rise in the world of AI. In this realm, the U.S. and China are the world’s undisputed heavyweights. But, sandwiched between the two superpowers, the United Arab Emirates is beginning to punch above its weight. The tiny Gulf nation of some 10 million, which appointed the world’s first AI minister in 2017, is betting big on the technology as an engine for diversifying its economy away from oil, and for projecting geopolitical influence beyond its borders. In recent months, some of Silicon Valley’s most powerful CEOs have visited the UAE, from Microsoft’s Satya Nadella to Nvidia’s Jensen Huang.
But while solidifying the Emirati government’s belief that it has what it takes to become an AI power, Falcon also made a larger point: if this powerful new technology is indeed to usher in a new world, it will be shaped by those with the greatest wealth and power in the one that currently exists.
Emirati officials point to their advantages: Huge cash reserves to pay for top-tier “compute,” or computing hardware. Enough electricity—powered by oil, natural gas, and solar—not only to power that hardware, but also to make building new data centers more attractive than in Europe and other parts of Asia, where grids are battling energy bottlenecks. And though most of the 88% of the foreigners who populate the UAE toil at low-wage jobs, officials express confidence that year-round sun and the absence of income tax can attract the world’s top AI researchers, who are in high demand.
If they come, it would be to join an effort unhindered by internal critics, or other essentials of democracy. The Emirati state has spent the past two decades digitizing government services, and authorities here have a more permissive attitude than those in many Western countries to using citizens’ anonymized data for training AI. In fact, the UAE casts its autocratic, state-capitalist government as a plus—giving it the ability to quickly marshal its significant resources to achieve what it sees as an epochal project. “What we have in the UAE that’s going to give us an advantage is the decision-making power to make it happen,” says Al Bannai, the official in charge of the ATRC. “Yes, you need some checks and balances. But in many places it is overdone
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